The Oromo
The Oromo are a Cushitic-speaking people located in the Horn of Africa. Their existence
across several modern political boundaries, particularly the southern Ethiopia-northern Kenya
border, has raised concerns for the Oromo similar to those of other African ethnic groups
suffering from displacement as a result of European colonialism. The Oromo practice a variety
of economic life ways but primarily engage in agro-pastoralism and in some areas practice what
is known as “pure pastoralism.” Oromo society is based on the Gada system, an age-ordering
system that is deeply embedded within Oromo religious ideology. The Oromo are recognized for
their appropriation, and often forced adoption of both Christianity and Islam across Ethiopia.
Oromo Burial Practices
Oromo burial practices have received little to no attention by scholars interested in the
cultural practices of Southern Ethiopia. One of the few studies focusing on Oromo grave
practices is an archaeological project conducted by Dr. I.M. Lewis. This study examines the
differences between “Galla” and Somali grave practices over the past few centuries in Northern
Somaliland. Many of the stone tumuli featured in this article are similar to those that occur
across East Africa (Lewis 1961).
For those concerned with the Oromo, this study demonstrates the similarities in “cairnmaking” practices among both the Oromo and the Somali (Lewis 1961). The necessity of using
bioarchaeological methods to determine the culture group responsible for the burials in question
is an excellent indication of both the difficulty in dating, and the degree of anonymity embodied
in traditional Oromo burial practices. The result is that the use of mere folklore has been a
justification for the countless number of stone tumuli, grave markers, and even stelae across
South Ethiopia. In more recent times, the practice of Oromo memorial grave art, which is the
primary focus of this paper, has made any academic discussion of Oromo burial practices a longsought reality. Nevertheless, a full understanding of Oromo burial practices remains a concern
that has no resolution in the near future. As a result, a thorough examination of East African
burial practices and grave markers is required in order to bring about a full understanding of the
historical traditions that have been embraced by the Oromo and their culture.
The Origins of Contemporary Oromo Grave Art
In the most recent works on Oromo memorial grave art, the origins of this cultural
practice are recognized as a concern deserving further inquiry (Henze, 1993, Pankhurst, 1993).
It appears the problem in deciphering these origins lies in a tendency towards artistic and
chronological categories as opposed to regionally thematic and culturally symbolic similarities.
Interestingly, in his article entitled “Oromo Tomb Art and Architecture,” Henze dismisses “any
obvious relationship” to the monolithic pillars of Soddo and Sidamo, while recognizing the
possibility that contemporary Oromo grave practices may share a connection to other “stone-slab
monuments” in Southern Ethiopia such as those at Tiya (Henze, 1993)
This assessment utilizes inferences based in the assumption that African burial practices
and grave markers may be simply and individually categorized on artistic complexity or easily
recognizable cultural affinity. It must be considered however, that contemporary Oromo grave
art practices are a component of the greater African burial traditions throughout Southern
Ethiopia and across parts of East Africa as a whole. This placement will allow for an accurate
emphasis on Oromo innovation and cultural adaptation, as opposed to surface interpretation and
categorization. An identification of utilitarian value as opposed to mere artistic styles is of
extreme importance.
The Southern Ethiopian Burial Tradition
Explorers in Ethiopia have long-acknowledged the existence of seemingly “mysterious”
and “prehistoric” megalithic monuments and stone structures. Although the more famous
“Ethiopian” monoliths are those belonging to the pre-Christian Axumite cultures of the Northern
Highlands, the stelae of Southern Ethiopia are invariably greater in number and in many
instances do possess prehistoric origins, unlike many of their northern counterparts. When
creating Ethiopian history, many early European explorers laid claim to the “discovery” of many
of these sites (Anfray 1982). Such bold statements are aimed at mythologizing the Ethiopian
experience and undermining local oral and cultural traditions that pertain to these monoliths. It is
also interesting in this respect that scholars have tried to incorporate the pre-Christian Axumite
stelae tradition into Southern Ethiopian discourse by proposing a Northern influence over the
people of the South (Anfray 1982). Although these theories cloud perceptions of Ethiopian
monolithic culture, there is a pan-African phenomenon of burial traditions that can be found
throughout Ethiopia and Southern Ethiopia in particular.
Archaeologists have unearthed the reality that many of the monolithic and stone
formations across Africa represent burial sites ranging from numerous regions, time periods, and
culture groups. French archaeologists have primarily conducted archaeological excavations in
Southern Ethiopia, which gained popularity in the first decade of the twentieth century. A
majority of these sites exist in the Soddo and Sidamo regions of Southern Ethiopia. Tiya, as it is
known in French, may be the most famous of such archaeological sites. Père Azaïs first explored
the site at the beginning of the twentieth century, only to gain greater popularity with excavation
and detailed analysis performed by Roger Joussaume later in the twentieth century (Anfray
1976).
The Tiya site is comprised of about 45 stelae with varying patterns of carved symbols and
designs. Closer analysis revealed that these stelae not only demonstrated some degree of
uniformity in their engravings, but also in fact represented mass graves of both male and female
burials (Joussaume 1985). Researchers were later led to assign a date sometime between the
twelfth and fourteenth centuries C.E. to this site (Joussaume 1985).
Among the other 10,000 estimated stelae of Southern Ethiopia, there have been several
projects confirming the stelae as grave markers. Tutu fela and Tututi are two other important
sites that have led archaeologists to many of the academically accepted theories concerning the
southern stelae. One of the most interesting theories outlined by archaeologists is that which
places the stelae at Tiya in a time period far later than those in the surrounding areas (Joussaume
1985). Scientific dating suggests that the majority of southern stelae predate those at Tiya by as
much as five hundred years. The earliest accepted date for the southern stelae, excluding those at
Tiya, falls somewhere around the beginning of the ninth century C.E (Joussaume 1985).
In Galla Süd Äthiopiens, Haberland definitively states that the “megalithic culture” is
absent among the Galla1
people, with the exception of the Arsi and Borana groups (Haberland,
1963). While Haberland’s assertions have yet to receive confirmation, there is definitely limited
exposure of “megalithic” art practices outside these two groups. Overall, there has been very
little work of an academic nature on Oromo grave art. The studies of Oromo grave art have
continuously placed this practice throughout the Rift Valley. The graves and monuments in
question are placed along major highways leaving Addis Ababa heading south. The road that has
received the majority of academic focus is the Addis Ababa-Shashamene highway.
The most recent and comprehensive examinations of this Oromo art practice are of a
highly descriptive nature. As previously stated, Henze suggests a possible connection with the
Tiya stelae and those carved monolithic grave markers that he has recognized as belonging to the
earlier phases of the contemporary practice (Henze 1993). The early studies of Paul B. Henze
and Rita Pankhurst have been instrumental in academically exposing Oromo grave art, in
addition to outlining the locations and nature of the graves themselves (Henze & Pankhurst,
1993). Alternatively, these studies are of low analytical nature and their assumptions are
questionably within the framework of what might be considered academia in a “purely-Western”
sense. Perhaps one of the greatest concerns raised by these studies is the absence of Oromo
perception and sensitivity to Oromo cultural tradition.
Although their recognition of Oromo artistic practices is commendable in a purely
descriptive sense, the earlier works on Oromo grave art are fraught with inadequacies and
inabilities. In these works, the grave markers of the contemporary practice are systematically
1 Galla is term that was used by early Europeans in their descriptions of the Oromo people. The term has fallen out of colloquial speech and now possesses derogatory connotation.
categorized chronologically to generalize and aid in their physical description (Henze &
Pankhurst, 1993). Whether this chronological categorization reflects Western ideals of time, and
therefore effectively represents Oromo trends, is an issue that deserves further attention.
Regardless, the assignment of Western or Ethiopian concepts of time to the Oromo must be one
that receives critical consideration given the complexities of Oromo perceptions of time.
Henze’s article describes the “oldest and simplest” graves as those marked by one or
more large stones, surrounded by standing slabs, and states that there was a noticeable increase
in the practice of Oromo memorial grave art following the Revolution (Henze 1993). While
Henze attributes this increase to a rise in Oromo nationalism following the end of the Solomonic
Dynasty, he does not directly account for changes in political policy. There is a great deal of
interest in the fact that the constitution under Haile Sellassie placed strict prohibitions on Oromo
burial practices. Although the conditions under which Oromo grave art was practiced is of little
concern to either Henze or Pankhurst, these circumstances may be critical in understanding the
trends of Oromo burial traditions in the twentieth and twenty first centuries.
Although the descriptions of the initial grave markers are limited, Henze does note that
these stones often feature elaborate carvings of humans and animals (Henze 1993). The extent to
which the primary phases of the contemporary practice are acknowledged by both Henze and
Pankhurst is extremely limited. This is unfortunate given that both authors state a need for
discerning the dates of the first markers of this established practice (Henze & Pankhurst, 1993).
The primary focus of both studies is an understanding of the techniques and symbolic meaning
embodied by the practice at the time of research.
In each study the current artistic traditions of Oromo grave art are neatly explained in
terms of the grave markers and monuments’ physical natures. Both Henze and Pankhurst carefully provide detailed descriptions of the themes and colors used in Oromo grave art.
Throughout their works, evolutionary changes in styles, paints, and modes of production are
noted (Henze & Pankhurst, 1993). Additionally, the current form of Oromo grave art, as multitiered monoliths of cement construction, is emphasized (Pankhurst 1993). Ultimately however,
each study ends with formal descriptions of the research that remains necessary to a full
understanding of the meaning embodied in contemporary Oromo grave art. While there is an
emphasis on the evolutionary nature of the artistic practice, it is interesting that there is no real
attempt by either author at connecting these artistic practices with those of earlier archaeological
and historical contexts.
It is possible that the high degree of reluctance to connect grave markers of the
contemporary practice with those of a more typically African nature is based merely on the
absence of dates or the dramatic artistic differences in media and style. Whether or not utilitarian
value is effective enough to demonstrate that contemporary Oromo grave art practices are simply
an adaptation of long-established African burial traditions is beyond the scope of this paper.
Alternatively, the ways in which scholars have derived meaning from contemporary Oromo
grave art, as well as other forms of Eastern African burial art, may help to understand how
external influence has been used as a substitution in explaining away innovation and creativity in
the artistic practices of the Oromo, and Africans in general.
Symbolism in Contemporary Oromo Grave Art
The greatest weakness of the aforementioned scholarship is its inability to speak directly
to Oromo meaning in contemporary burial practice and artistic tradition. It appears that one of
the greatest risks in Western scholarship is the potential for applications of Western-biased artistic standards and religious ideals to non-Western practices. This has ultimately been a
problem in many interpretations of African grave markers and burial traditions. While Western
scholarship must be acknowledged for its ability to document dying practices and aid in
conservation efforts, an examination of the ways in which Western-biases have been attributed to
African practice is important. This is done in attempt to distinguish interpretations that
emphasize the influences of much larger (often Western) culture groups such as Christianity, as
opposed to those that consider internal Oromo tradition and innovation.
Although archaeological and anthropological examination of African and Ethiopian grave
markers has left a great need for further research, the identification of cultural themes and
symbolic interpretation has revealed affinities between contemporary Oromo practices and those
of other East African culture groups, both ancient and modern. While the universal nature of
grave markers may prove many similarities to be merely superficial, the ways in which symbolic
themes have been read and interpreted by scholars may provide insight into methodologies that
may be suitable to discerning African and foreign elements in contemporary Oromo grave
practices.
Archaeological Interpretation
The stelae of Southern Ethiopia, although not thoroughly explored by means of
excavation, have received a considerable degree of academic interpretation. Work on the Tiya
stelae has been an important piece in the archaeological puzzle of Southern Ethiopia. According
to Joussaume, there is a “zone” in which there are three different types of stelae (Joussaume).
Although much about the stelae’s contemporaneous occupants remains unknown, this “zone” is
currently inhabited by the Oromo.
Archaeological interpretation of the highly stylized and elaborately engraved stelae at
Tiya has provided the foundation for the formulation of a certain “monde souterrain,” “monde
terrestre,” and “monde d’en haut” theory of high complexity. While a general understanding of
this theory is seemingly ambiguous, its complexity speaks to the great extent at which
archaeologists have sought meaning from these stelae (Anfray 1982). The Tiya stelae are noted
for their possession of distinguishable and recurrent patterns (Joussaume). The various symbols
incorporated in these patterns is predominated by plain circles and mystifying “vegetal motifs”
(Anfray 1982). An equally important image among the stelae has been interpreted as the
representation of weaponry, most likely a sword. The stelae possessing these “swords” are
understood to represent burials of warriors, or soldiers (Anfray 1982). Additionally, the number
of swords is said to possibly represent the number of individuals killed in battle by the buried
warrior (Anfray 1982).
Additional analysis of the symbols at Tiya has led researchers to suggest that certain
symbols such as the plain circle may specifically indicate the presence of female burials (Anfray
1982). There has also been a great deal of speculation regarding the “twin-leaf” motif so
common on many of the southern stelae (Anfray 1982). It has been suggested that these leaves
may be representative of the enset plant, a staple crop in Southern Ethiopia. It has been also
suggested that their presence may be meant to serve as a symbol indicative of peaceful resting, as
has been similarly noted on wooden headrests throughout Southern Ethiopia.
Unfortunately the older stelae of Southern Ethiopia have received less detailed analysis
than those at Tiya and they remain somewhat enigmatic. This is interesting given the extreme
documentation that has been a primary focus of many of the initial European explorers and
archaeologists (Anfray 1982).
Archaeologists have also had success in their attempts at deciphering meaning from
ancient rock art. Brandt & Carder’s study “Pastoral Rock art in the Horn of Africa,” speaks
directly to artistic themes also seen in Oromo grave art from the modern era. Although there is
admittedly little knowledge about the purpose of many of the rock shelters and painted surfaces
used in the study, Brandt & Carder believe they can demonstrate the meaningful relationship
between rock art and human behavior (Brandt & Carder 1987). The ‘Ethio-Arabian’ style of rock
art studied in the Horn is dominated by “pastoral themes,” which are more than often focused
primarily on cattle (Brandt & Carder 1987). Their analysis suggests what they term as a “cultural
ecological model of cattle pastoralism (Brandt & Carder 1987). Given the importance of similar
cattle themes to Oromo art, as well as the pastoralist-nature of Oromo society, studies such as
these may be instrumental to a better understanding of Oromo art.
The Anthropology of African Grave Markers
While the use of marking burial places is a universal phenomenon, there are East African
societies in which similarities with Oromo grave practices are present. A non-Ethiopian example
of such societies is found among the Miji Kenda of Northwestern Bantu Kenya (Brown 1980).
Interestingly, the leading clans of this society are noted for having arrived at the Kenyan coast
after “having been driven by the Galla from their traditional homeland” in Somalia (Brown
1980). While contact with the Oromo is seemingly evident, apparently the constant threat of
Oromo attack led to the restructuring of some elements of Miji Kenda society. In addition to
experiencing heavy contact with Islam, the Miji Kenda are recognized for the age-set
organization that orders their politico-religious structure (Brown 1980). These similarities, along
with the practice of erecting memorial gravestones, or grave posts, are a few of the traditions
shared by both the Miji Kenda and the Oromo.
While the wooden grave posts used by the Miji Kenda are both morphologically and
presumably etiologically different than those of the Oromo practice, they do share the fact that
both engage in some degree of human portrayal and geometric patterning. Interestingly, Jean
Lucas Brown identifies these geometric patterns in the Miji Kenda practice as a product of the
Islamic influence visible throughout East Africa (Brown 1980). Although Brown does identify
the similarity between Miji Kenda and Oromo grave markers, he claims that the closest analogy
to the Miji Kenda practice today is found among the Konso people of southwestern Ethiopia
(Brown 1980).
The Konso, like the Oromo are also a Cushitic-speaking people whose society is
structured around a generation grading system (Hallpike 1972). The Konso partake in the
construction of grave markers formally known as wagas. Like those of the Oromo, these grave
markers, or wagas, are often placed on important paths leading to town, and serve to represent
specific individuals and their achievements (Hallpike 1972). Wagas have been interpreted as
symbols of personal achievement and Hallpike explains their dual significance as “stones of
manhood” that attest to the bravery of long-dead warriors (Hallpike 1972).
The wagas have been subject to heavy analysis, perhaps based on their popularity as
souvenirs in antiquities shops across Addis Ababa. Similar to both the themes of the ancient
southern stelae and contemporary Oromo grave art, wagas represent the deceased, presumably a
warrior, along with his immediate family members (Hallpike 1972). In addition the number of
enemies killed in battle is also represented. Wagas also commonly incorporate animals themes;
the presence of a lion or leopard is particularly widespread.
Unfortunately the beauty of Konso craftsmanship and symbolism has led to the
disappearance of this practice among the Konso today. The Ministry of Culture has even been forced to interfere in the sale of material culture in attempt to avoid the eradication of Konso
grave markers as a result of their popularity among foreign tourists.
Oromo Memorial Grave Art
Based on the sources outlined here, many of the themes embodied in traditional Oromo
grave art are not particularly unique to Oromo society. Interestingly, there has been little
association with the common themes that seemingly occur throughout East Africa. Although
both Pankhurst and Henze identify the need to discover the meaning deeply invested in
contemporary Oromo memorial grave art, their attempts at interpretation fail to account for both
Oromo social ideology as well as the greater East African grave memorial tradition.
The fundamental characteristic of Oromo memorial grave art is described as the
recognition of great accomplishments and is based on the supposition that the deceased for
whom the practice is carried out, inherently maintain a certain level of wealth (Henze &
Pankhurst 1993). Perhaps the most fundamental artistic representation on Oromo memorial grave
art is the stylized figure of the deceased, often mounted on a white horse (Henze & Pankhurst
1993). The presence of a bull, and often a lion, is also seen as significant to the symbolism of
Oromo grave art. The bull in particular is understood to represent the wealth of the individual
(Pankhurst 1993). Although each monument is roughly similar in physical construction and color
usage, Pankhurst suggests that no two monuments share identical designs (Pankhurst 1993). An
interesting and widely noted artistic quality of the monuments is the colorful zigzag-geometric
designs that usually adorn the lower-tiers of the monuments (Henze 1993).
While Pankhurst is particularly successful in noting the “evolution” of the contemporary
practice, in both thematic and constructional terms, she does suggest that these pieces may be
heavily influenced by traditional Ethiopian popular art (Pankhurst 1993). Henze too, whose article claims identifiable Islamic influence on the evolution of Oromo tomb architecture,
appears to be in the tendency of seeking out the impact of larger culture groups on the art
practices of the Oromo. Henze does state however that an informant was able to assign meaning
to the geometric designs on Oromo grave memorials. This informant claimed that the patterns
represented the size of a man’s family, his accomplishments in war, wealth, and the number of
wild animals killed by the deceased (Henze 1993). He also states that this symbolic system may
have “atrophied with literacy” (Henze 1993).
Fundamentally, the available sources were of a highly descriptive nature and merely
allude to meaning in Oromo art. A better understanding of such artistic traditions can only be
fully reached when examined within the larger context of East African symbolism and historical
cultural tradition.
Traditional Oromo Burial Practices
The following information was gathered during a personal interview with Oromo
specialist Dr. Gemechu. While this information was gathered as objectively as possible, the high
complexity of Oromo religion and social structure are indicators of the unease with which
Oromo cultural practices are conceived by outsiders. Additionally however, the necessity to
document traditions appears immediate in the face of domination and cultural assimilation by
larger religious institutions, namely Christianity and Islam. It is important to note that the
existence of these burial practices is not widespread across all Oromo groups in Ethiopia today.
There are Oromo groups however, particularly the Borana Oromo, which have been noted for
their high degree of resistance to modernization and great respect of cultural tradition.
It must be understood that contemporary Oromo burial practices in many cases may be
no different than those historically practiced by Ethiopian Christians and Muslims. This
phenomenon has warranted the documentation of traditional Oromo burial practices, despite the
fact than a thorough examination of the practices requires a highly invested understanding of
Oromo social ideology.
As a result of the heavy impact of Islam and Christianity on Oromo tradition, traditional
burial practices are performed by approximately fifty percent of the Oromo today. Additionally,
these traditional practices are more likely to be found among the Arsi or Borana Oromo, as a
result of the high resistance to cultural change present in these groups. Traditional Oromo burial
practices are extremely complex and involve differing degrees of treatment for individuals of
different age, sex, and social affiliation.
The importance of “stone culture” to the Oromo is quite clear in traditional burial
practices, but the significance of stones in Oromo culture in general cannot be undermined. The
physical layout of the traditional Oromo house, or the mana, and the importance of stones within
the home provide great insight into familial structure and value. These so-called “hearthstones,”
which are often placed near the fireplace or the mana’s main support poles, are highly symbolic.
One stone, which is fixed in the ground, symbolizes permanence. The first born of the family is
also represented here among the hearthstones. The symbolic significance of these stones
ultimately provokes interest in the meaning embodied in other cultural practices involving
stones, such as burial practice.
Given Oromo egalitarianism, contemporary burial practices reveal some surprising
details about Oromo social perception and ideology. The death of an infant, for example, is
treated dramatically different that of an adult. When an infant dies, it is placed within a large clay
jar and buried within the house, usually near the central pillar. The Oromo concept of ayanaa is
particularly important in understanding the differential treatment of infant deaths. According to
Oromo social ideology, the traditional Oromo grave is viewed as a home of sorts for the
deceased. This serves the individual’s ayanaa, which does not die with the deceased’s physical
death. The ayanaa, which is the primary concern for the reverence of the deceased, is not of
concern to infants. The Gada system employed by the Oromo does not affiliate adolescents
younger than the first Gada cycle with the possession of an ayanaa. This renders a more
substantial burial for infants unnecessary.
Whether male or female, when an individual dies he/she is thoroughly washed and tied in
the fetal position. Additionally, the deceased is then wrapped in perfumed plants. A sort of mat
made of palm tree leaves is often used to wrap the individual before burial. Spiritual leaders, and
those with higher standing in the Gada system, receive a different physical preparation before
burial. They are also washed in a similar manner to the standard burial practice, but the
individuals responsible for preparing these elite civilians receive specialized training. The details
of this training and the burial practice are rather ambiguous, as they are traditionally kept
secretive. The burial of these elite individuals is meant to be invisible to the public, in
accordance with Oromo traditional belief that does not assign them to physical mortality. The
cleansing process for these burials is much more thorough, and the individual’s intestines are
removed.
Traditional Oromo burial practices incorporate various methods of grave construction.
The physical, underground burial element can either be a straight pit, or a sort of chamber that is
dug out following the initial dig downwards. Each method is symbolic of a specific individual’s
social status. The standard pit depth of Oromo burials is around two to two and a half meters.
Additionally, when an individual dies, the corpse is covered by a pile of stones. This
modest stone covering is accompanied by an outlying circle of stones, placed symbolically and
successively by each of the deceased’s children. The result is a circle of stones that represents the
number of children possessed by the deceased. In the case of higher status individuals, the burial
is often placed in a highly visible or public space. The primary stone pile is continuously
renewed as individuals pass by and pay their respects by placing an additional stone upon the
deceased. The size of the deceased’s stone pile is an indication of the man’s importance and
social position.
Burial practices are highly symbolic of an individual’s social position. If an individual
dies without having been married, they are placed closer to the homestead. A large tree is buried
in the individual’s memory. A married individual however, will receive the more traditional
stone-pile burial. When an individual dies, there are a variety of traditional practices in Oromo
society that pertain to the practice of mourning loss. A white thread is often worn around the
neck to serve as a symbol of remembrance. Members of the deceased’s immediate family will
also shave their heads to demonstrate the fact that they are in mourning.
Contemporary Oromo Memorial Grave Practices
Batu Cemetery, Ziway
The Oromo memorial gravestones attributed to the modern era in this cemetery are
interesting based merely on their location. The Batu Cemetery is noted as one of the most unique
cemeteries in Ethiopia. It has a rich history of burials in both the Christian and Islamic traditions
but also includes “traditional” Oromo burials as well. In a country with a deep history of religious and ethnic tension, the placement of different religious burials within extreme
proximity appears as highly unusual.
There are six Oromo memorial-style graves present at Batu, along with several of the
more traditional Oromo graves. The recognizable traditional graves are not in any particularly
close proximity to the more contemporary pieces, and due to the nature of traditional Oromo
grave practices, there is no way to place these stone graves chronologically. This said, there is no
reason to avoid the possibility of chronological affiliation with the more modern forms of grave
practice. However, it admittedly doubtful that this relationship would be able to provide any
information aside from whether or not contemporary memorial graves are constructed alongside
the traditional grave for any given individual.
All memorial grave markers are of the standard form described in the available academic
sources. They are all of cement construction and feature bas-relief with portrayals of the
deceased mounted on white horses. Each figure is holding a rifle, most commonly in the right
hand. Although dating is not possible for all six graves at Batu, there are various schematic and
color themes. None of the graves demonstrate identical color usage however a sea green is the
base color of several of the memorials. Whether or not this is a faded remnant of the bright sky
blue that has most commonly been associated with these memorial graves is indiscernible. All
graves possessed the frontal image of the deceased upon a horse, with the engraved image of the
bull on the reverse. All bulls and horses represented on the grave markers are of similar style and
color.
There are several outstanding characteristics among the memorial grave markers at Batu.
There is an interesting use in color diversity, with greens, blues, and bright yellows comprising
the principle base colors. The use of an orange-yellow base color for one of the grave markers is particularly interesting as it would appear to be a diversion from the commonly used blue and
green bases. Another particularly unusual piece featured two bulls, one customarily portrayed on
the reverse, but another also painted on the frontal surface of the lower-tier. This may be an
isolated occurrence of this double portrayal.
Another interesting aspect of several of these graves is the visibility of Christian
symbology that has been incorporated into not only the painted themes, but also the physical
construction of the graves as well. It appears that on several of these graves, crosses have been
incorporated as elements in both the principal frontal and reversal reliefs and engravings. Some
of the memorial slabs actually have three-dimensional crosses molded to the top surface of the
piece. These perpendicularly placed crosses create an image that can only be properly viewed
from the grave’s side profile. The details of these innovations and their constructions are poorly
understood.
Given their physical placement and the size of most of these memorial graves, visibility
and space are key elements in understanding ideology and practice associated with these graves.
As a result, a surface survey revealed details of ritual activity undoubtedly connected to these
graves. Bones and bone fragments from a large mammal, what appears to be cattle, can be found
in close proximity to the memorial grave markers at Batu. This discovery is what provided the
need for further research of Oromo burial practice and ritual. The abundance of animal bones
around the graves in this cemetery suggests the importance of ritual in the Oromo reverence of
the deceased. A large proportion of the graves, about five of the six present at Batu, can be said
to possess remnants of ritualized activity in the immediate area of the graves. There was no
notice of additional bone material in any non-Oromo context within the cemetery.
Within Batu there are several traditional Oromo burials. These are comprised of a
centralized pile of stones, surrounded by individual stones. The fact that these stones cannot be
dated raises concerns as to their contribution of information regarding contemporary Oromo
grave practices. This said, it is important to note that there is a cemetery in which both
traditional, and more modern Oromo grave practices exist simultaneously alongside side those of
contemporary Christian and Muslim burials. Although most of the graves cannot be dated due to
their deterioration, there are graves that can be definitively placed within the late 1990s.
An informant at the cemetery alluded to the differences between Oromo memorial graves
placed in cemeteries and those that are placed along the major highways south of the capital. The
physical construction and artistic styles employed by the memorial graves at Batu however, do
not suggest any dramatic differences from those noted elsewhere. This informant also suggested
that the memorial graves erected alongside roads are meant to attest to personal achievement,
and made no mention of wealth or social status. He was however, interested in describing one
particular memorial grave marker located near Ziway that features a Coca Cola bottle. He
informed us that the deceased had been hit and killed by a large Coca Cola distribution truck.
This raises interesting questions about the symbolic significance of popular images in
contemporary Oromo memorial grave art.
The Road from Ziway to Bulbula
The existence of memorial graves along the main roads south of Addis Ababa is far less
surprising than those at Batu, although their recent construction may be of greater significance.
The widespread and hidden nature of these memorial grave markers makes their notice and
documentation more difficult that those that are clustered together in one place. Interestingly,
there are great deals of these memorial graves that do exist in small groupings, these occur
mainly along the road from Bulbula to Langano.
The Ziway-Bulbula highway provided one particularly interesting example of
contemporary Oromo memorial grave art. When viewed from a distance, the piece is unusually
unique because of an unnaturally occurring accumulation of brush surrounding the memorial.
This brush was apparently gathered and placed in a designated circular pattern around the
memorial, for exact reasons unknown. This piece is of a smaller construction than the majority of
the memorial grave markers.
The piece was dated to 1998, although whether this date corresponds to the Ethiopian or
Gregorian calendar is unknown. The fact that the only writing present is dictated in Oromifa
suggests that the Western calendar was used here. The vibrancy and state of the paints used on
this piece however suggest that this may have actually been constructed sometime in the past few
years. This would support a construction date falling between 2005 and 2006 in the Western
calendar.
In addition to these distinguishing features, the piece possesses particularly unique and
highly stylized workings. The man portrayed on the face of the memorial is dressed as a teacher,
holding what appears to be a notebook. His left foot is resting upon a soccer ball. The outline of
the man’s figure extends out from the monument in relief, as does the surrounding border. This
relief border, which is purely unique to this piece, is shaped around the contours of the man’s
head and also exists on the reverse. The reverse border is interrupted by the horns of the bull,
which also appears in relief. This bull is highly stylized and although the species is presumably
identical to that portrayed on other pieces. The bull featured on this piece is engaged in
particularly a different stance than those seen elsewhere.
The presence of the zigzag-geometric designs seems to be of far less importance to this
piece. Additionally, the side surfaces of this memorial are adorned by highly stylized “swirls.”
These are extremely unique to this piece. The inscription, which is entirely in Oromifa, is
unusually long.
A nearby informant identified himself as the deceased’s son. He claimed that his father
was a teacher and that he had been killed in a car accident. This is interesting given the
memorial’s proximity to the road, as well as to the informant’s house. The informant was able to
identify the artist as an individual living and working in Bulbula, although informants there
suggested that this artist was actually living somewhere in the countryside.
Road from Bulbula to Langano
The general nature of the graves along the road heading south from Bulbula is highly
diversified and demonstrates visible elements of both Christianity and Islam. Interestingly, many
of the visible memorial graves along this route occur in small groups. This would appear as
unusual given their nature as memorials. Nearby informants were able to clarify in one instance,
that two of three grouped memorials were in fact relatives. The father died sometime in the late
1980s while the son had died much more recently. Both of these memorial graves existed
alongside a more traditional Islamic-style burial.
It is also interesting to note that there exists a rather large grouping of (three to four)
Oromo memorial grave markers within an extremely close proximity to a far more traditional
Oromo cemetery along this route. This cemetery features various forms of Oromo burials. There
are no visible elements of an Islamic or Christian presence in the traditional cemetery. In
addition to the several stone-pile/circle burials, there is also an elaborately carved stone grave
marker from what are presumably the prototypical phases of Oromo memorial graves in their contemporary form. This grave marker features the carved figure of a man on one side, with the
other side left blank. Its date, along with that of the other burials, is unknown.
Located nearby are memorial grave markers of several time periods. The production of
one can definitively be assigned to the late 1970s, while the dates of the others remain
unreadable. One example is particularly interesting in its apparently unfinished state. While it
demonstrates highly skilled engraving, there is no trace of paint. Whether or not this piece was
intended to be unpainted remains unknown, although it is seems highly unlikely. This piece is
also interesting for the three-dimensional stars that project from the upper-portion of the
memorial. These stars are strikingly similar to the crosses protruding from several of the
memorial graves at Batu Cemetery. These images are highly indicative of Islam, although this
relationship cannot be verified.
The neighboring monuments do not appear to have familial relations to each other, and
they are crafted rather typically. There is some evidence of possible ritualized activity on one of
the larger memorial graves. A broken pot is wedged in between the supports of one of the
memorial slabs supporting tiers, and appears to have served as an incense burner at one time.
Across the road, there is a single and brightly colored memorial grave. This piece exhibits
a style very different from those across the road and along the highway route in general. While it
maintains some conformity to the traditional physical structure of Oromo memorial graves, the
colors utilized in its production are seemingly different and a bright fluorescent yellow is used as
the base color of this piece. No zigzag-geometric design, an extremely common feature of
Oromo memorial grave art, is present on this piece. In place of such a design, is a sort of
patchwork-pattern of perfectly aligned squares, each painted a different color. This design also
replaces the traditional zigzag-geometric motif on another memorial across the road.
The inscription on this piece states that the individual was born in 1965, and died
sometime in the past few years. The themes portrayed on this memorial grave are very unique.
On the frontal surface of the larger lower-platform of the monument, there is a painting of the
famous Lion of Judah. Interestingly, the flag held by the lion is not the traditional Ethiopian flag,
but is none other than the flag of the Oromo people. This flag features the sycamore tree, an
important element of traditional Oromo religious beliefs. On another side-surface of the bottom
platform, is a portrayal of the deceased holding a trowel. The presence of a modern, Westernstyle house in the same scene suggests that this individual was a housing carpenter during life.
An additional element of this complex piece that deserves critical attention is the
inclusion of the star and crescent in several locations on both the front and reverse of the
memorial. These symbols suggest the obvious fact that this individual was Muslim, but also
raises questions into the Oromo religious ideology invested in the memorial grave practice.
As noted by these examples, the diversity in theme and color is extremely varied for this
group of graves. Another interesting element to the memorial graves along the road from Bulbula
may be observed in the various animals represented on the monuments. One monument is
particularly suited to addressing the range of animals visible in Oromo memorial grave art.
This piece is dated to 1999 (Gregorian calendar) and features writing in both Amharic
and Oromifa. The marker displays several distinguishing features indicative of the current
practice. Like the memorial just mentioned, the front of the memorial is a very modern portrayal
of the deceased. In this case the traditional image of the deceased upon a horse is located on the
reverse, the standard place for the image of the bull. In addition to this innovation, there are three
surfaces on the lower platform that feature animals. A lion, a bull, and what appears to be a
cheetah are presented in relief form. Like many other memorials that feature a lion, the lion is placed on the frontal surface of the lower-platform. The reverse lower-platform surface reveals a
traditional Oromo drinking practice.
Adjacent Road to Lake Langano
The Oromo grave memorials observed along the road to Langano were not easily dated,
but in most cases their construction conforms to the earlier phases of the contemporary practice.
One of the memorial graves displays an individual sitting at a school desk, dressed in a school
uniform. This memorial, like the others along the route from Ziway, is an excellent indication of
the direction in which Oromo grave themes are headed.
As noted by Rita Pankhurst, these memorial graves really do reflect a practice in which
“traditional values are maintained, while the means of expression pertain to the contemporary
world” (Pankhurst 1993).
SOURCE:https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1260&context=isp_collection